These problems are further compounded by the unavailability of adequate childcare facilities at many workplaces, particularly remote ones. This factor alone can be a significant barrier to apprenticeship (WITT-NN, 1999; Grzetic, 1998; CLMPC, 1990). Similarly, the absence of flexible work arrangements that can accommodate the needs of primary caregivers, such as part-time and flextime work, can act as barrier (Grzetic, 1998; WITT-Alberta, 2000).
Safety and security, particularly in remote work locations or camps, are paramount issues for many women entering or working in non-traditional trades. The lack of separate dormitories and washing facilities, poor lighting, the distance of sleeping quarters from common areas, and other factors can often aggravate the already isolated circumstances of women (WITT-NN, 1999; Madsen, 1999;
).
Some research indicated that discrimination in hiring exists among employers, making it more difficult for Aboriginal people to find apprenticeship opportunities (McDonald Human Resources, 1994; Cook Consulting, 2001). This barrier was also raised by key informants and some focus-group participants (
).
Some key informants and focus-group participants
spoke of systemic discrimination towards Aboriginal people seeking apprenticeships, especially for Aboriginal women (
). Aboriginal women in the trades face a double barrier combining
cultural and gender-specific challenges (
).
Several interviewees and focus-group participants pointed to personal examples of Aboriginal apprentices
receiving more menial tasks and low-end jobs, particularly in the first year of an apprenticeship (
). These key informants and focus groups believed employers and educators held lower expectations for Aboriginal people (
).
In a study of the Manitoba construction industry, researchers identified an inadequate use of Aboriginal apprentices and a lack of cross-cultural training for employers and non-Aboriginal workers (Information Development and Training Inc., 2001). One focus-group participant stated:
“Employers and unions need to be educated to counter stereotypes about Aboriginal people, to convince people to hire Aboriginal people. Let’s face it, there is a lot of racism in companies and government.” (
)
Stereotyping and discrimination based on ethnic origin or race continue to exist. Many members of visible-minority groups face such problems in hiring practices and workplaces (CLMPC, 1990; CLFDB, 1995). This problem is multi-faceted, and its negative consequences are manifested in a number of different ways.
Preconceived notions about the racially- or culturally-based capabilities, competencies and disposition of visible minorities can have a highly stressful impact on apprentices from visible-minority groups, and may put pressure on such individuals to leave their employment or training. To the extent that these preconceived notions fuel discriminatory behaviour, they are important causes of barriers to access to apprenticeship for members of visible-minority groups.
For example, one source noted that there is a growing negative perception that all black youth—particularly males—are “at risk,” and, therefore, conform to certain behavioural patterns that preclude them from being identified as suitable candidates for apprenticeship positions (CCMA, 2003).
Discriminatory hiring practices often revolve around the stipulation of artificial or arbitrary job requirements as a means of screening-out undesirable candidates. In one account, some employers stipulate access to vehicles for jobs where no such vehicle is needed (
). This stipulation may be made on the supposition that visible-minority groups tend to be more economically disadvantaged and, therefore, would not meet this criterion. In certain provinces, it is perceived that employers use language requirements as a pretext to weed out candidates from visible-minority groups (
).