It was a real fight, and I do mean literally, getting my boys off to school. There were three pairs of socks, shoes, three clean shirts, three pairs of pants.
“What is today? Gym? Brush your teeth, let me brush your hair. Wash your face yet?”In the back of my mind, I would hear the answers to the question,“Why can’t Johnny read?”(p. 24)
Pat Guy illustrates the cultural contradictions (Hays, 1996) between the high
social expectations for appropriate child-raising and literacy achievement on
one hand, and the everyday lives and material conditions that shape mothering
on the other. However, as the findings of this thesis suggest, literacy advice
texts exclude these situated experiences of mothering and instead promote the
ideal of the good mother as a necessary precondition for raising the ideal literate
child. “Ideal”
mothering and “ideal”
literacy
practices are represented most commonly in the image of the “relaxing,
warm and pleasurable”
(Morrow, 1989, p. 23) event of a mother reading
a story to her child who is sitting on her lap and wrapped in her arms. In this
image, there is usually little sign of the other work that mothers engage in
every day: the siblings who need diaper changes, the dishes in the sink, the
dinner that needs to be cooked, or the laundry that needs to be done. When these
everyday domestic realities are rendered visible, they are often maddeningly
represented as further opportunities for mothers to stimulate their children’s
literacy development, as suggested by ABC Canada: “Make every day a
learning day. Ask your children to make a shopping list, read recipes together
or help them make a calendar of their weekly activities”
(ABC Canada
Literacy Foundation, 2003).
While this advice is located in the domesticity of everyday life, these recommended
literacy practices are a means to the ends of achieving school readiness, academic
success, and appropriate brain development that are considered essential to
achieving broader economic and social visions (Government of British Columbia,
2003). Within the iconic image of a mother-figure reading to a child, we can
see the outlines of common discourses of mothering and literacy that rarely
take into account women’s lived experiences of mothering, the role of
fathers in children’s literacy learning, or the diversity of family structures
and child-raising practices which give meaning and context to the literacies
of everyday life. Indeed, like most aspects of women’s domestic and child-raising
work, literacy work in the home only becomes visible when things go wrong —
when her child fails to learn to read by age five or seven (depending on the
jurisdiction) or is deemed “at risk for reading failure”
(Lyon,
1999) because the family lives in poverty or does not speak standard English
as a first language (Burns, Griffin & Snow, 1998, p. 133). In these circumstances,
mothers are asked to participate in family literacy interventions designed to
teach them to carry out their domestic literacy work more adequately. Shirley
Bond, former Minister of Advanced Education in the British Columbia Government,
captures this in her observation that “[f]amily literacy programs prepare
families to prepare their children for success in life — they address
parents’ own literacy needs and their need to be able to help their children”
(Shirley Bond, January 31, 2005).