The feminization of literacy: mothering, schooling, and pedagogy

As outlined in the introduction, feminist scholars have noted the “feminization of education” and its implication for women’s equality and children’s learning. Recent scholarship considers women’s relationships with educational institutions from a variety of angles, including the gendered biases in institutional discourses of mothering and schooling (David, 1998; Dehli, 1994; Standing, 1999), the deconstruction of mothering as pedagogic work (Polakow, 1993; Walkerdine & Lucey, 1989), and ethnographic and historical accounts that complicate the ideal of a harmonious relationship between women’s literacy practices and the educational outcomes of her children (Horsman, 1990; Luttrell, 1997; Rockhill, 1991). More recently, scholars have drawn attention to the gendered biases embedded in family literacy programming and policies (Mace, 1998; Hutchison, 2000; Pitt, 2000). These diverse perspectives on the links between mothering and literacy are considered in this final section of the chapter, for the insights this research brings to a discursive framework for analyzing literacy advice.

Mothers and schools

The dependence of universal public schooling upon women’s domestic and pedagogic labour is well documented as a historical process with its roots in capitalism and industrialization. For example, Dehli (1994) argued that the “feminization of pedagogy” has its roots in the institutional relationships between schooling, mothering, state formation, and the emerging consumer market for children and middle-class families. In the early Twentieth Century in Canada, women were recruited as Kindergarten teachers because of their “essential capacities for mothering and particularly on their unlimited capacity for empathy and love” (p. 201). The discourses of this Froebelian “pedagogy of love” and the naturalization of women, whether or not they were biological mothers, as best suited to provide this ideal form of pedagogy, spilled over into social welfare, public health, and the consumer market in ways that regulated, albeit using different strategies, the mothering of working-class and middle-class women. As Delhi (1994) described:

Kindergartens comprised a discourse that was linked into state educational bureaucracies to middle-class social reformers and to voluntary women’s organizations. At the same time, this discourse organized and articulated particular positions for women — primarily as maternal teacher of the very young, and attributed a range of meanings and characteristic to the category “woman” — loving, empathetic, patient, nurturing, self-sacrificing passive, virtuous and moral –– all of which distinguished “her”. (Delhi, 1994, p. 206)