What the statistics leave out
Although the statistics have their uses, and although measurements
are becoming more adequate, the statistics only begin to display
the realities that literacy programs work with. People's actual lives
and needs are more complex than statistics can suggest. Literacy statistics
are, so to speak, merely "facts" — that is, they
enable us to define a problem, or to keep track of progress, administratively.
But they do not tell us what is actually happening in people's lives.
Not only do the literacy statistics barely begin to describe the realities
of people's lives, they also give a systematically selective version
of literacy skill as "functional literacy." This selectiveness
usually exists more in functional literacy tests than in definitions.
Definitions of functional literacy are sometimes very broad. Most definitions
trace their lineage back to a Unesco convention to define as functionally
literate one "who can engage in all those activities in which
literacy is required for effective functioning of his group and community
and also for enabling him to continue to use reading, writing, and calculation
for his own and the community's development." The Southam survey
used a definition of literacy as "Using printed and written
information to function in society, to achieve one's goals, and to develop
one's knowledge and potential." Provincial government policy
documents often define literacy informally, emphasizing self-defined
needs. For example, Saskatchewan has adopted a definition of literacy
as "the ability to read and write in order to improve one's living
and working conditions."
The selection of test items is never as broad as such definitions.
Test items are almost always tasks that are created where government,
corporations and other institutions deal with the public through print
and forms. These tasks involve written advertising and information,
and bureaucratic record-keeping, regulations and procedures. They bring
individual actions, and the "facts" about individual's
lives, under government and corporate information and control. Functional
literacy tasks are thus matters of what could be called "institutional
inscription."
Other forms of literacy do not count in these tests. Two forms of literacy
that are left out deserve particular attention. One involves people
simply reading and writing stories of their lives — for its own
sake, not on behalf of some institutional process. Skill at such reading
and writing is ignored in tests. A second form of literacy left out
of the usual statistics is "public discourse" —accounts
of the society we have, and social, political and legal argument about
the kind of society we ought to have — a necessary form of literacy
if people are to relate their life conditions to the organization of
society. In the Southam survey, over half of people had difficulty
paraphrasing a newspaper editorial, or getting the precise legal significance
of a statement from the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. But this did
not figure in Southam's calculation of literacy rates. And there are
only two such items (questions about a newspaper article on Canada's
aging population) in the Statistics Canada survey.
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