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Since many of these problems are the outcome of poorly
articulated policy priorities and practices, we need to consider what would
happen if the major governments changed these. The experience of the recent
literacy campaign in Britain provides one possible result. In 1974 the central
government of Britain earmarked a grant of £ 1 million per year for three
years to establish the Adult Literacy Resource Agency (ALRA) and to assist in
establishing literacy programs through each Local Education Authority (LEA).
Prior to this time, the responsibility for providing adult basic education
programs belonged to the LEAs and the services delivered in each area was
largely a reflection of the collective will of the elected representatives. The
change in policy coincided with a nation-wide literacy campaign mounted by the
BBC via television and radio.
A recent evaluation of the entire three-year campaign
(1) shows that the policy change instituted by the central
government and the earmarking of guaranteed funds was crucial to the campaign.
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"...if ALRA and the BBC had not happened, no expansion
would have occurred... Limited schemes would have continued to grow slowly...
It would have been left to professional adult educators to push it in very
restrictive financial circumstances...
"This view that without the BBC and ALRA little would
have happened was almost universally held Yet, as the ALRA reports show, the
same of money received by any LEA was very small: the administrators appeared
to give it a significance out of proportion to the actual amount. The reasons
for this appeared to be:
- that ALRA demonstrated a government commitment to
literacy;
- that the ALRA fund showed that Government was not, as
so often, adding to the local authorities' duties without recognizing the need
for finance;
- that the ALRA fund was assured and ear-marked
allocation, secure against the moves toward (economic restraint) ..."
(2)
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In Canada, it seems likely that any similar move on the part of
either the federal or provincial governments would have positive effect of the
provision of adult basic education services.
Basic problems
| 1. |
There are no clearly articulated policies, priorities or
practices which govern the way |
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in which adult basic education services are
funded or provided. The programs are rarely integrated with other adult
education services and are often a low priority of the service-provider. |
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| 2. |
In times of economic restraint adult basic education
services are often the first to be |
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affected by cut-backs. |
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| 3. |
Obtaining secured funding requires considerable time and
energy on the part of |
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committed service-providers. |
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| 4. |
Justifying the need for public funds for adult basic
education services is not easy since |
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governments appear to view this need as an
individual responsibility and to be unwilling to acknowledge any public
responsibility. |
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| 5. |
Governments and other service-providers do not view adult
basic education services |
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as an economic necessity nor as services which
have an adequate, immediate return on the investment. The long-term benefits to
governments and service-providers are generally ignored. |
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| 6. |
Educational services to children tend to be preventative
in nature and to have a higher |
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value in terms of resource allocation.
Educational services to adults tend to be crisis-oriented/and remedial in
nature and to have a low value in terms of resource allocation. |
(1). H. A. Jones and A. H. Charnley, Adult
literacy: A study of its impact, (Leicester: National Institute for Adult
Education, 1978)
(2). Ibid p. 30 |