TABLE 3
Representation of Women and Men in Each Rank Great
Britain 1988-89

        Percentages
Rank Professor Reader/
Senior Lectuer
Lecturer Other
Men 96.9 92.1 82.3 46.9
Women 3.1 7.9 17.7 53.1
Total (%) 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
Total Number (4,307) (8,720) (18,233) (337)

Source: See Note 1 "Research only" faculty are not included in this table

Cross-Cultural Comparisons

Male dominance in universities is not only numerical. It is also expressed through curriculum, pedagogy and the sexual politics of everyday life.

How do we explain patterns such as those described above? We need to consider why mere are differences between the two countries, as well as why women in both settings suffer a disadvantage relative to men.

In neither Britain or Canada is mere a network of privately financed universities, as in the United States. Central government is particularly influential in the British case; local and county levels of government have no control over universities. The Conservative government of recent years has been interventionist to an unprecedented degree: universities have experienced financial cutbacks and pressures to provide value for money. But there have been no interventions to support moves in universities towards gender equality.

That there is a void in this respect is not surprising in light of the general indifference, even antipathy, towards feminism in Britain. Feminist groups have relatively little input into the political process. Nor do they have easy access to the courts or much financial support. Although there is legislation on sex discrimination and equal pay, and an Equal Opportunities Commission to oversee it, the legislation is generally thought to be weak. There are no strong liberal feminist networks, no affirmative action plans, no top-level enquiries. There is little public concern about the situation of women academics and hardly any literature on the topic.

A major difficulty rests with the very small numbers of women in the system in secure posts. Many women are isolated in departments where there are few others of their sex. It is difficult to reach the level of activism which would kick start successful efforts to introduce reform.

There are some signs of change. In recent years, universities have begun to call themselves equal opportunity employers (though often with little evidence to support the claim) and have set up working parties or committees to consider the issues. The Committee of Vice Chancellors and Principals (CVCP), an association of the heads of universities, has issued guidance suggesting institutions formulate equal opportunities policies. The Association of university Teachers (the academics' union) publishes a supplement to its bulletin called AUT Women which has increased consciousness among academics.

In Canada there are policies at both federal and provincial level which have as their aim the reduction of gender (and other) inequality (4). The Federal Contractors Program requires employees of more than 100 people who wish to receive federal contracts for $200,000 or over to put into place plans to increase equity for women, visible minorities, aboriginal people and disabled people. Many universities have joined this program. Some provinces, have introduced additional equity measures.

For example, Ontario has provided money for employment equity coordinators and special I projects in universities as well as "faculty renewal" funds earmarked for hiring young faculty and helping faculty, especially women, move from marginal positions into tenure-stream posts. Quebec has a compliance review program similar to the federal one. There is also a voluntary program which gives technical and financial support to institutions trying to increase equity. Canadian universities also benefit from a higher level of feminist activism than British ones and there is evidence that such efforts have been influential (5).



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