TABLE 3 Representation of Women and Men in Each Rank
Great Britain 1988-89
|
Percentages
|
| Rank |
Professor |
Reader/ Senior Lectuer |
Lecturer |
Other |
| Men |
96.9 |
92.1 |
82.3 |
46.9 |
| Women |
3.1 |
7.9 |
17.7 |
53.1 |
| Total (%) |
100.0 |
100.0 |
100.0 |
100.0 |
| Total Number |
(4,307) |
(8,720) |
(18,233) |
(337) |
Source: See Note 1 "Research only" faculty are not included
in this table |
|
Cross-Cultural Comparisons
|
Male dominance in universities is not only
numerical. It is also expressed through curriculum, pedagogy and the sexual
politics of everyday life. |
|
How do we explain patterns such as those described above? We
need to consider why mere are differences between the two countries, as well as
why women in both settings suffer a disadvantage relative to men.
In neither Britain or Canada is mere a network of privately
financed universities, as in the United States. Central government is
particularly influential in the British case; local and county levels of
government have no control over universities. The Conservative government of
recent years has been interventionist to an unprecedented degree: universities
have experienced financial cutbacks and pressures to provide value for money.
But there have been no interventions to support moves in universities towards
gender equality.
That there is a void in this respect is not surprising in light
of the general indifference, even antipathy, towards feminism in Britain.
Feminist groups have relatively little input into the political process. Nor do
they have easy access to the courts or much financial support. Although there
is legislation on sex discrimination and equal pay, and an Equal Opportunities
Commission to oversee it, the legislation is generally thought to be weak.
There are no strong liberal feminist networks, no affirmative action plans, no
top-level enquiries. There is little public concern about the situation of
women academics and hardly any literature on the topic.
A major difficulty rests with the very small numbers of women in
the system in secure posts. Many women are isolated in departments where there
are few others of their sex. It is difficult to reach the level of activism
which would kick start successful efforts to introduce reform.
There are some signs of change. In recent years, universities
have begun to call themselves equal opportunity employers (though often with
little evidence to support the claim) and have set up working parties or
committees to consider the issues. The Committee of Vice Chancellors and
Principals (CVCP), an association of the heads of universities, has issued
guidance suggesting institutions formulate equal opportunities policies. The
Association of university Teachers (the academics' union) publishes a
supplement to its bulletin called AUT Women which has increased
consciousness among academics.
In Canada there are policies at both federal and provincial
level which have as their aim the reduction of gender (and other) inequality
(4). The Federal Contractors Program requires employees of more than 100 people
who wish to receive federal contracts for $200,000 or over to put into place
plans to increase equity for women, visible minorities, aboriginal people and
disabled people. Many universities have joined this program. Some provinces,
have introduced additional equity measures.
For example, Ontario has provided money for employment equity
coordinators and special I projects in universities as well as "faculty
renewal" funds earmarked for hiring young faculty and helping faculty,
especially women, move from marginal positions into tenure-stream posts. Quebec
has a compliance review program similar to the federal one. There is also a
voluntary program which gives technical and financial support to institutions
trying to increase equity. Canadian universities also benefit from a higher
level of feminist activism than British ones and there is evidence that such
efforts have been influential (5). |