Marxists assert that this deeper structural level is absolutely essential for the explanation of the patterns and regularities of social life. For example, with specific reference to the study of education, Rachel Sharp asserts that:

A sine qua non of an adequate problematic involves relinquishing the framework of bourgeois social thought concerning education and society. What needs to be developed is a holistic conceptual structure which may have little readily apparent relation to what bourgeois social theorists believe should be explained. Those who wish to understand education should ... concentrate their attention ... on more significant issues concerning the nature and dynamics of capitalist societies 33

There is no space here to adequately discuss Marx's account of the underlying structures of capitalist society, as based on his materialist conception of history (historical materialism), but the interested reader may consult one of a number of useful introductions to the subject 34

Marxists hold that when social research is rooted in the logic of Marxist categories, careful inferences from the results can illuminate aspects of this more basic level of social reality.35 This not only helps us to better understand society, but also in turn helps us to change it in historically progressive ways--in particular, to work toward the elimination of classes and class exploitation.36 In fact, from a Marxist standpoint, criteria establishing the objectivity and truthfulness of the findings of social research include both the extent to which they account for the observed facts of social life, as well as how adequately they guide practical efforts to transform it.37 Thus, in contrast with positivists, Marxists believe that -research which embodies an explicit ideological commitment can also be scientifically valid. (However, Marxists believe that certain ideologies place limits or blinders on social science theory and research, i.e. the ones associated with classes having a vested interest in the preservation of class exploitation, e.g. those subsumed under the category of bourgeois ideology.) 38

Significance of the Study

While the present analysis takes the form of an academic study, its original point of departure was a practical problem. As a participant in an organization which supports and promotes adult literacy opportunities, I found that I had conflicting views about a question that sometimes was a source of contention among the membership. That is, is it possible to work for the development of new literacy opportunities for adults while putting aside the question of the political orientation of the methods, content and objectives of the classes or projects? The obvious, most frequently encountered answer is that we can do this because, it is argued, the problems of illiterate adults (particularly low income and inadequate employment opportunities) are to a large degree the result of the simple fact that they cannot read and write. Therefore, all programs that effectively help them to become literate are equally valuable, regardless of their political orientation. However, Paulo Freire presents a dissenting view in his writings, arguing that we are never justified in remaining silent or passive concerning the political dimension of literacy programs because the plight of the impoverished and dispossessed primarily stems from class oppression and not from the simple inability to read and write (or any other personal deficiencies).